Manual The Great Cleansing, The 2020 Mass Expulsion of Muslims from Europe

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An example of immigration diplomacy constructed with the object of relative gains is the Cuban Adjustment Act, introduced under Johnson, which grants permanent residence status to any Cuban living in the United States for more than one year. The Cuban Adjustment Act was arguably shaped by Cold War politics and underlined the tense diplomatic relations between Washington and Havana at the time. It is not accidental that when bilateral relations between the two states showed signs of change after decades of tension, the President Bill Clinton administration extensively revised the policy in Similar relative-gains examples exist in the Arab world, where the oil-producing states belonging to the Gulf Cooperation Council host more than 16 million migrants.

The Iraqi invasion of Kuwait was perceived as a security threat for GCC states, which employed their status as receiving states to engage in immigration diplomacy; when Yemen and PLO Chairman Yasser Arafat refused to denounce the Iraqi invasion, Saudi Arabia summarily deported more than one million Yemeni migrants. The same fate awaited almost the entire community of Palestinians working in Kuwait, numbering more than ,, who were also deported Van Hear , 80— This is not to say that immigration diplomacy has not been concerned with absolute gains; similar to West Germany's gastarbeiter program and the Bracero program in the United States, Taiwan developed a guest-worker program in cooperation with Thailand, the Philippines, and Indonesia in the early s.

In the aftermath of the Cold War, Russia has at times afforded favorable immigration laws to immigrants from ex-Soviet republics that now belong to the Commonwealth of Independent States.


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In the Americas, the US H-2 visa program aims to recruit seasonal or temporary workers in cooperation with certain partner-countries. Similarly, the Canadian government's Seasonal Agricultural Workers Program, which it concluded following negotiations with Mexico and Caribbean countries, provides free housing and cooking facilities to seasonal workers from Mexico, while the Mexican government is responsible for their recruitment and negotiation of wages Hennebry and Preibisch Emigration diplomacy is also often perceived as a zero-sum game.

The English crown, for instance, engaged in the early settlement of America from the seventeenth century onward partly due to its antagonism with France, Spain, and the Netherlands, all of which would also dispatch emigrants across the Atlantic. The early decades of the Arab-Israeli conflict had Arab states engage in emigration diplomacy as approximately , Mizrahi Jews resettled into the new state of Israel. More recently, following Gaddafi's example, the Tunisian President Zine el Abidine Ben Ali used emigration diplomacy to exploit European fears of radicalization via irregular immigration.

But sending states may also engage in emigration diplomacy aiming at positive-sum gains scenarios. Similarly, Bulgaria developed a scheme of dispatching professionals to Libya, as the two states shared an anti-Western ideological agenda and were able to mutually benefit from such mobility management agreements Crampton , The continuity in this policy was evident in Cuba's dispatch of doctors to Sierra Leone in the fight against Ebola Jones Across all cases, emigration diplomacy was conceptualized as contributing to absolute gains—while it produced key political and economic benefits for the sending states, it also generated important gains for host states.


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  4. Finally, transit states often assume a zero-sum mentality as per their transit migration diplomacy strategies. In the course of negotiations on resolving the Greek debt crisis, the Greek minister of defense frequently employed a relative gains argument: unless Europe provided a satisfactory solution, the Greek state would allow transit migrants to reach Berlin Athens-Macedonian News Agency Libya's Qaddafi also resorted to coercive migration diplomacy when dealing with the European Union Tsourapas But, similar to immigration and emigration diplomacy, examples of transit states aiming for absolute gains is not uncommon.

    Such practices were also common during the Cold War, as Eastern bloc countries frequently coordinated their policies to enable transit migration.

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    For instance, the defeat of the communist forces in the Greek Civil War led to the outmigration of more than 10, Greek political refugees. They were allowed to transit through Bulgaria and Yugoslavia unharmed and eventually settle in the Soviet Union and Czechoslovakia Clogg The point here is that states have at their disposal different strategies to engage in migration diplomacy, depending on a range of factors such as their foreign policy interests, bargaining power, the nature of the existing bilateral relationship between two states, and so forth.

    During the s and s, Turkey pursued absolute gains via its signing of guest worker agreements with various European states, which served to reduce its unemployment and facilitate the flow of foreign exchange via remittances—all while also benefiting the economies of Western Europe. By — Turkey's relationship with European states had become more antagonistic as it attempted to leverage Europe's interest in stemming migration to secure substantial economic benefits Greenhill ; Adamson Migration diplomacy is a multifaceted process, both in terms of the actors involved and the strategies employed.

    Migration diplomacy also involves linkages with other areas of states interests, including national and domestic security concerns, economic interests, and interests in promoting public diplomacy or other forms of enhancing a state's soft power. In terms of strategies, migration diplomacy can be approached as a zero-sum game by pursuing relative gains or as a positive-sum game in order to reach mutually beneficial outcomes. In this article we have presented a basic framework for thinking about the relationship between cross-border mobility, state power and interests, and interstate bargaining and diplomacy.

    We have proposed a definition of and delineated the scope conditions for what constitutes migration diplomacy, as well as laying the groundwork for future theorizing and empirical study. As such, the interests, linkages, and strategies identified here are not meant to be exhaustive but rather illustrative. Further research is needed to identify the universe of cases that could be characterized as instances of migration diplomacy and to map out the diverse actors, interests, and processes that are engaged in pursuing immigration, emigration, and transit migration diplomacy.

    In this regard, a key area for future research would be the conditions under which the migration diplomacy strategies of states are more or less effective. Clearly, a number of factors, including the differential levels of power and resources available to state actors, are areas that merit further examination. Finally, an additional set of questions that merits further research concerns the different mechanisms at play in instances of migration diplomacy.

    How applicable is a two-level game theory approach, for instance, in understanding international agreements on migration flows, and to what extent do sending, transit, and receiving states differ with regard to the mechanisms they use? Under what conditions are states most likely to achieve their aims? And what are the determining factors that lead to zero-sum versus positive-sum approaches to interstate bargaining on migration issues?

    These are all important questions not just for theory, but also for formulating policies to address the migration issues that are increasingly at the forefront of the international political agenda. There is a well-developed literature in political science and sociology on the domestic impacts of migration on states and on the evolution of state migration control and migrant integration policies. Yet, there is less understanding of the relationship between cross-border flows of people and the national interests and diplomatic strategies of states. Given the likelihood that migration will only increase in its importance to states and their policymakers in the next decades, there is plenty of room for further research on the international politics of global migration and mobility.

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    Close mobile search navigation Article Navigation. Volume Article Contents. Migration Diplomacy: Definitions and Scope Conditions. Issue Linkages and Types of Migration Diplomacy. Oxford Academic. Google Scholar. Gerasimos Tsourapas. Cite Citation. Permissions Icon Permissions. In doing so, we build on the important work of Gabbacia , Greenhill , Oyen , Thiollet , and others who have noted the relationship between migration and various forms of state diplomacy.

    What’s the difference between genocide and ethnic cleansing?

    This is not to say that some insights gleaned from a focus on migration diplomacy would not be of interest for understanding the policies or actions of nonstate actors. Indeed, we would expect that just as the literature on paradiplomacy has applied concepts of state diplomacy to nonstate actors, similar parallels could be found in the area of migration diplomacy and paradiplomacy.

    For the purposes of our analysis, we are excluding processes and tools of population management that occur within empires Klotz For example, settler colonialism, in which states move citizens to a specific region following conquest, do not form part of migration diplomacy strategies, as they do not involve interstate negotiations. Search ADS. But the treaty does not dictate the outcome of a genocide conviction. If national courts in countries that have signed the treaty fail to prosecute individuals, the International Criminal Court in The Hague is supposed to step in.

    But the International Criminal Court has no authority to arrest on its own and must rely on the cooperation of individual nations to enforce punishment.

    Migration Diplomacy: Definitions and Scope Conditions

    Using the term genocide also has political implications. On April 28, , a reporter asked U.

    Migration Returns to the Continent

    State Department spokeswoman Christine Shelley whether the events in Rwanda could be considered a genocide. Earlier that month, the Rwandan Armed Forces and Hutu militia had begun a violent and deliberate campaign to kill Tutsi and moderate Hutu politicians. Thousands of people were killed on the first day. But Shelley stopped short of calling the situation in Rwanda a genocide. She responded by saying the United States needed more evidence to determine whether the situation met the U. Joshua Kurlantzick, a senior fellow for Southeast Asia at the Council on Foreign Relations, said the United States is unlikely to call the situation in Myanmar a genocide before other experts or the U.

    Rohingya refugees ride on the back of the truck to a camp near Teknaf , Bangladesh, on Oct. Senior U.

    And the U. A commission of inquiry cannot begin investigating without U. Security Council approval. But without cooperation from the Myanmar government, investigators would not be allowed into the country. In the case of the Rwandan genocide, more than 20 years later, many of the perpetrators have been brought to justice in Rwandan courts or domestic courts in Europe and North America. But this is the result of an intentional effort by the Rwandan government. Unilaterally, Kurlantzick said there is limited opportunity for the United States to change the situation in Myanmar.

    Once a genocide is declared, he added, doing nothing is no longer an option. But again, international law cannot be enforced without support from both individual states and the international community, Motala said. Finally, you make the same logical fallacy that all leftists make, specifically argumentum ad populum, which renders your entire line of argument moot. Note that for nearly years, from right up to s, there were never a mosque in the Kazan Kremlin, which was, by the way, actually built by Russians, only Orthodox churches.

    The current mosque was built in the s, and this anti-historical construction has only become possible because for the 25 years Tatarstan has been run by Tatar nationalists, who are always eager and successful at rewriting history. I lived in Uzbekistan for 20 years and it was pretty clear that we and them did not mix that well even then.

    There were very few Uzbeks that I knew that were Russified. At school there were special A classes for them and they were behind in everything compared to mixed classes. In University as I studied among them few of them excelled though there were few exceptions. I notice the pattern is there across all of Muslim countries.